The Korea that could (re)emerge from cold December
- Pablo Díaz Gayoso
- Mar 3
- 4 min read
Updated: Mar 24
The first weeks of December 2024 in Korea have been marked by an unprecedented situation of political instability in the Asian country. Although the figure of impeachment or impeachment of the President of the Republic has been used before, it had never put the democratic system in check as in the current one. The only successful precedent was against President Park Geun-hye in 2017 due to a corruption and abuse of power scandal. To understand the reasons behind the current political situation, as well as the popular response, one must go back to the origins of the Republic of Korea as a democratic nation.
Background: Korea is because it was
South Korea's democratic foundations are rooted in resistance against authoritarian regimes and their abusive use of martial law. For much of its history as an independent republic, South Korea was ruled by a military dictatorial regime. Successive authoritarian governments were known for their heavy-handed repression of any kind of pro-democracy and anti-government protests, which occurred frequently. It was not until 1987, with the historic protests known as the 'June Democratic Struggle', led by students, workers and organized civil society, that the regime of General Chun Doo-hwan fell.
That moment marked the end of the military's intervention in South Korean politics, ending an era of repression and opening a new chapter for democracy in the country. Or at least that was the case until December 3, 2024, after 36 years of uninterrupted multiparty liberal democracy.
Anti-liberal measures to “save” liberalism
On the 3rd, at dawn and without warning, President Yoon Suk Yeol, who had won the March 2022 election, announced in a televised message the imposition of martial law. President Yoon justified such measures under the need to “Safeguard a liberal South Korea from the threats of North Korean communist forces and eliminate the anti-state element.”
The Presidential Order included a ban on all political activities, including those of the National Assembly, local assemblies, political parties, political associations, rallies and protests. The authoritarian and unconstitutional nature of the Order surpassed the level of civil and political rights violations of the worst moments of the dictatorships. At least during the military dictatorships, martial law decrees made outdoor gatherings conditional on obtaining a permit. In addition, the Korean Constitution provides in Article 77 that during the implementation of martial law, which should only be applied in extreme situations not relevant to the current one, the National Assembly must be notified of its implementation and has the power to stop its application.
The situation that was triggered that day has its origin in the cohabitation that exists in Korea. The majority party in the National Assembly is the Democratic Party or DP, with 173 seats, and is opposed to the People's Power Party or PPP, with 108, the party of former president Yoon Suk Yeol. This institutional political disparity has triggered a series of disagreements between the two powers. For example, the tardiness of the leaders of both parties to meet, which took 720 days since Yoon's inauguration, Yoon's non-appearance in the National Assembly to discuss the budget law or the imposition of the presidential veto 25 times on laws emanating from the South Korean unicameral parliament. Applying game theory to this situation, both sides felt legitimized not to move from their position and did not see the benefit of the political pact; thus a stalemate was reached that was more typical of trench warfare than of democratic dialogue.
Korea did not want to go back to what it was
Finally, martial law was lifted a few hours later by the National Assembly, which met in emergency and against the will of the military deployed there. On the other hand, President Yoon has gone through two impeachment processes promoted by the opposition. The first one, called on December 7, was not successful. Since it required the favorable vote of two thirds of the parliament, i.e. 200 deputies, the PPP got 105 of the 108 deputies of its group to absent themselves from the vote. This initial boycott generated an unprecedented situation of instability in the country.
During the week that has elapsed between the first and second impeachment trial, Korea has been officially headless. On the one hand, several Korean army officers acknowledged to the press that, in the face of another possible martial law decree imposed by Yoon, they would defy the order of their commander-in-chief. On the other hand, on December 9, the Minister of Justice, before being suspended by the impeachment, issued an order forbidding President Yoon to leave the country. Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun attempted suicide on December 11 in the face of his imminent arrest, along with the Seoul police chief and other senior national security officials, for their involvement in the coup attempt. Meanwhile, PPP members attempted to negotiate an 'orderly exit' agreement with President Yoon, which has not been implemented.
Yoon's end in Korean politics has come by force with the approval of the second impeachment on Saturday, December 14. The PPP took part in this second vote, and the impeachment of the president for treason was approved with 204 votes in favor. Power is now temporarily held by Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, and the country is awaiting confirmation of the impeachment by the Constitutional Court within 180 days. The outcome of this political conviction does not exclude the possible criminal prosecution of the perpetrators of the coup attempt.
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